{"id":101,"date":"2010-11-24T10:28:40","date_gmt":"2010-11-24T10:28:40","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/minbyun.org\/english\/?p=101"},"modified":"2010-11-24T10:28:40","modified_gmt":"2010-11-24T10:28:40","slug":"escr-net-statement-on-the-financial-crisis-and-global-economic-recession","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/www.minbyun.or.kr\/?p=101","title":{"rendered":"ESCR-Net Statement on the Financial Crisis and Global Economic Recession"},"content":{"rendered":"

ESCR-Net Statement on the Financial Crisis and Global Economic Recession:
\nTowards a Human Rights Response
\n1. What started as a meltdown in the subprime mortgage sector in the US in the summer of 2007 has
\ntransformed into a systemic economic crisis of global dimensions that most analysts assert is the worst
\nsince the Great Depression, deepening already stark levels of inequality both within and between
\ncountries. This financial crisis and global economic recession will have severe impacts on the realization
\nof human rights, particularly economic, social and cultural rights. While people in developed countries
\nare feeling the impacts on their standards of living, their jobs and their homes, people in developing
\ncountries are bearing the brunt of the crisis, with few safety-nets to protect them from severe poverty and
\ndeprivation, and without the fiscal capacity and space to soften the blow.
\n2. The dramatic decline in aggregate demand globally has led to extensive unemployment and
\ndestruction of livelihoods, with harsh impacts on the right to work, especially in poorer countries. Just this
\nyear, the ILO calculates that some 51 million people will be put out of work, and wages and working
\nconditions are set to face further downward pressures. Women and their children, the poor, indigenous
\npeoples, ethnic minorities and migrant workers will likely suffer disproportionately. Nearly 55% of
\nwomen, the ILO also affirms, are set to fall into situations of vulnerable employment this year. Following
\non the heels of the food crisis as this is, the right to food is also severely at risk. As poverty increases
\nduring the economic contraction, more people will likely be forced to lower the quality or quantity of
\ntheir diets below the minimum necessary to sustain a healthy life, swelling the number of hungry in the
\nworld beyond one billion people, according to the UN. The enjoyment of the right to health is vulnerable
\nin turn as malnutrition makes both adults and their children weak and more vulnerable to disease, with
\neven less chance of meeting the devastating costs of healthcare. The WHO estimates that over 1 billion
\npeople already face difficulties in access to health services. The right to education may also be in danger
\nas families cut back their expenditures and withdraw their children from school due to the recession. The
\nlong-term consequences of the crisis may be even harsher, with life-long effects on children and youth.
\nAs public revenues fall, government options to provide core minimum basic services and social
\nprotections have become severely limited. Without social protection programs such as unemployment
\ninsurance, millions of people may be forced into selling their assets, producing a downward spiral into
\ndeeper cycles of debt and poverty, with lasting impacts over generations.
\n3. If social unrest and the public expression of desperation and frustration is met, as it has already been
\nin some countries, with violent repression by government forces, then civil and political rights will also
\nbe threatened by the economic crisis. A rise in xenophobic or otherwise discriminatory sentiment, as
\nsome sectors of the population seek to scapegoat others, would also jeopardize the rights of migrant
\nworkers and minority groups most vulnerable to discrimination.
\n4. Yet this financial crisis is not the first to have occurred since 1929. A number of meltdowns have
\npreceded our current one, notably the East Asian crisis in the late 1990s. A clear pattern in all of these
\ncrises is evident. Extreme hardships and disproportionate suffering is brought to ordinary citizens,
\nespecially the most disadvantaged sectors of society by a situation they had no hand in creating. Yet,
\nthose responsible for the financial speculation and lack of government regulations that led to the crisis
\nenjoy impunity.
\n5. To further compound these differential impacts and lack of accountability, all too often the proposed
\nremedies for financial meltdowns have risked exacerbating the already existing structural inequalities. As
\nmany economists have noted elsewhere, economic policies based upon privatization, deregulation and
\nliberalization have overtime led to growing inequality within and between countries. Such inequality has
\nbeen a central element characterizing our current crisis, with associated patterns of redistribution of
\nwealth towards the private and corporate sector, affecting workers and the poor domestically while
\ncreating stark trade imbalances between countries.
\n6. We concur with eminent economists, such as Joseph Stiglitz, who assert that growth in the financial
\nsector and in GDP are not ends in and of themselves, but exist to serve people\u2019s well-being. What is good
\nfor finance and GDP alone is not necessarily good for the economic well-being of all. This financial crisis
\nhas profoundly called into question the belief that wealth earned on markets will \u201ctrickle down\u201d to all.
\nThis systemic collapse calls for a new framework for national governments\u2013both domestically and
\nincreasingly at the international level\u2014in which people and the environment, not banks or business, are at
\nthe center of economic policy-making.
\nTowards a Human Rights Response to the Global Financial and Economic Crises
\n7. We thus call for a response to the financial crisis and economic recession that places human rights
\nnorms at the center, in particular those legally binding human rights obligations enshrined in the
\nUniversal Declaration of Human Rights and core international human rights treaties. This is not only
\nnecessary as a matter of justice, but will make the reforms of the financial and economic system more
\nsustainable and resilient to future crises.
\n8. A human rights policy response does not presuppose a certain type of economic system, nor preordain
\ndetailed trade or financial measures in all contexts. Yet, human rights do provide a clear and universallyrecognized
\nframework founded in international law for guidance in the design and implementation of
\neconomic policies and programs to address this unprecedented economic crisis. Human rights not only
\npose limits to oppression and authoritarianism. They also impose positive obligations on States to uphold
\nhuman rights, especially economic, social and cultural rights. States have the duty to respect, protect and
\nfulfill all human rights (civil, cultural, economic, political and social) at all times, especially in times of
\ncrisis.
\n9. Governments must discharge their duty to ensure minimum essential levels of enjoyment of social
\nand economic rights as a matter of priority, and must also ensure that no deliberately retrogressive
\nmeasures are taken, by for example cutting essential rights-realizing programs. Unless introduced after
\nvery careful consideration of all possible alternatives, existing programs which protect infant and
\nmaternal health, provide food assistance for people in hunger, combat preventable diseases and
\nmalnutrition, or ensure access to primary education, for example, must in no way be jeopardized by the
\ncrisis. Even in the face of public revenue limitations, States must marshal the maximum available
\nresources to ensure that full implementation of economic and social rights is progressively realized in the
\nnear and longer-term. States have a specific and continuing obligation to move as expeditiously and
\neffectively as possible towards their full implementation.
\n10. In addition, the human rights principle of non-discrimination requires that States ensure that all
\nmeasures adopted in response to the crisis avoid disproportionate effects, and that deliberate, targeted
\nmeasures are put into place to secure substantive equality of access to basic services across countries and
\npopulation groups. Disadvantaged members of society must be protected as a matter of priority, even in
\ntimes of severe resource constraints.
\n11. Primary human rights obligations of States rest within their jurisdictions. Yet, in the spirit of the UN
\nCharter and applicable international law, States are required to contribute to international cooperation in
\nthe full realization of human rights. When acting within inter-governmental fora at the center of this
\neconomic crisis, such as the United Nations, the World Bank, the IMF, and or other ad hoc meetings of
\nthe G-20, States must guarantee that their policies are consistent and conducive to the realization of
\nhuman rights. Those States who have enjoyed a more powerful position in decision-making on global
\neconomic policies have had greater responsibilities in causing, through their actions and omissions, this
\nglobal meltdown. This means that they, in turn, carry greater responsibility in the mitigation of the
\nconsequences, and in steps needed to assure a just and sustainable way forward.
\n12. States are obliged to respect the enjoyment of human rights outside their borders, and recuperate their
\nregulatory power to protect against human rights abuses involving third parties, be they business, banks or
\nother non-state actors. Governments must also ensure that human rights standards take primacy over other
\ntrade, investment or finance commitments.
\n13. Lastly, the design and implementation of all economic policies and programs must observe the basic
\nhuman rights principles of social participation, transparency, access to information, judicial protection
\nand accountability. Participation necessitates that the economic policy-making process is meaningfully
\nrendered open to contest and debate by those affected. Public access to information which affects peoples\u2019
\nlives in any way must not be restricted, and positive steps must be taken to ensure transparency.
\nAdditionally, States must ensure that individuals whose rights have been affected enjoy accessible and
\neffective remedies to seek redress. Those responsible for harms, including private actors, must be brought
\nto justice, and future activities affecting human rights prevented.
\nREFORM OF DECISION-MAKING PROCESSESS ON ECONOMIC POLICY
\n14. The crisis facing us today provides an historic opportunity and indeed a generational responsibility to
\nrethink the manner in which decision-making in economic policy has so far occurred. Thus, at the start, a
\nhuman rights approach calls for a reform of governance structures to ensure that all economic policy at
\nthe domestic and international levels be carried out in accordance with the body of standards and
\nprinciples offered by the human rights regime.
\n15. Accountability, transparency and participation must be at the heart of the processes to reform the
\nfinancial system at the national level. Too often, official decisions on the regulation of financial capital
\nflows for example\u2013or the need to dispense with them\u2014are limited to a few \u201cexperts,\u201d often including
\nrepresentatives of the private sector industries themselves. This process effectively closes avenues for
\npublic participation in fundamental policy and legal discussions affecting all, with particular impacts on
\nthe most disadvantaged sectors of society. A human rights policy response would ensure democratic
\nparticipation at all levels, subjecting decisions to public scrutiny, transparency and accountability at every
\nstep.
\n16. Moreover, principles of accountability and participation in economic policy-making are also impaired
\nwhen intrusive policy conditions are demanded by international financial institutions and donors, or by
\ninflexible rules in trade and investment agreements. States should be empowered to assert that their
\nhuman rights obligations take full priority over any other economic, trade or investment commitments.
\n17. These same human rights principles must be instilled at the international level, where cooperation in
\nthe realization of human rights is an obligation of all States, particularly those responsible for harms.
\nDespite the far-reaching consequences of financial policy measures, the inter-governmental bodies setting
\nthe agenda and designing financial reforms, such as the Basel Committee on Banking Supervision, the
\nFinancial Stability Forum and the G-20, limit participation from the majority of the world. The
\nInternational Monetary Fund and the World Bank for their part continue to be ruled by principles that
\nconfine developing countries to a marginal role, and limit transparency in decision-making. Equally
\nimportant, other international organizations which have the express mandate to protect human rights are
\nexcluded from the design of policy responses. In fact, all indications point to an express effort to sideline
\nthem.
\n18. Therefore, we believe that the United Nations General Assembly, as guardian of the international
\nlegal framework, is the most appropriate and most legitimate forum to discuss the reforms that are
\nnecessary to restructure the international economic and financial system upon a human rights foundation.
\nOnly the United Nations\u2014perhaps assisted by the creation of a Global Economic Coordination Council
\nas recommended by the Commission of Experts established by the UN\u2014has the power to convene all
\nactors in an open, democratic, transparent, non-discriminatory and accountable manner to address the
\noverarching global threats we today face.
\nBANKING AND FINANCIAL SECTOR REGULATION
\n19. The ensuing global financial meltdown is not only a consequence of irresponsible and profit-driven
\nbehavior of financial entities transferring the burdens of their risks to the most vulnerable in society.
\nSpecific government policies designed to deregulate the financial system en masse enabled the permissive
\nenvironment which lead to our global economic meltdown. Governments\u2014domestically and in concert
\nwith others\u2014thus have obligations to adopt policy and legal measures to protect against abuse by
\npreventing banking and other financial sector entities from actions which have the potential to interfere
\nwith the realization of human rights. Governments in this regard must strengthen accountability and the
\nrule of law by, for example, reigning in criminal behavior. Where certain acts are not qualified as crimes
\n(i.e. “tax evasion” in certain countries) or as an offense that triggers legal liability, then appropriate
\nlegislation should be brought to bear. Further, governments must take serious action to ensure that those
\nindividuals and countries affected through no fault of their own attain appropriate remedies to hold those
\nresponsible to account and obtain redress.
\n20. Of all financial sector entities, banks are the most regulated. Yet even so, their behavior has
\nincreasingly become ruled by principles of supervision that rely on the banks\u2019 own mechanisms for risk
\nmanagement, rather than independent accountability standards based in law. In response to pressure from
\nindustrialized countries, large numbers of poorer countries have progressively adopted these same
\nprinciples, partly lured by the possibility of attracting international banks. Extreme rules to protect the
\nmovement of capital by such banks have also been adopted for the same purpose. Yet, this deregulatory
\napproach used to attract foreign banks has not even had these expected payoffs. In fact, empirical
\nevidence shows no link between liberalized capital accounts and increased economic growth. Large multinational
\nbanks have tended to crowd-out or eliminate the domestic banking sector. The results are clear.
\nTargeted access to credit policies so necessary to battling poverty and strengthening the fulfillment of
\neconomic and social rights, especially by the most disadvantaged, have shown little improvement.
\nFurthermore, those countries with the greatest exposure to and dependence on foreign banks are the ones
\nworst affected by this financial crisis. As these financial institutions retreat back to their home countries,
\nrefusing to lend in now \u201cfragile\u201d economies, governments themselves lack the access to credit so key to
\nimplementing counter-cyclical policies so necessary to reduce the depth and duration of the economic
\nrecession.
\n21. Thus, reforms of the banking sector must preserve the space for national governments to regulate
\nbanking services to ensure that they do not discriminate against the poor or disadvantaged, but instead
\nserve the interests of society by ensuring access to credit for all. If state-provided banking services are
\nconsidered a better option for achieving those purposes, they should be fully employed.
\n22. The liberalization of capital has also made it harder to engage in progressive taxation of capital flows,
\nfurther eroding the tax and public revenue base of both North and South by facilitating the shifting of
\nprofits from where they are earned to other low- or zero-tax regimes. Governments must then live up to
\ntheir duties to their people by protecting public revenue sources in a transparent and accountable way,
\nclosing tax havens and taking appropriate measures to control the movement of capital and strengthen
\nfiscal accounts.
\n23. Hedge funds, private equity funds, derivative instruments and credit rating agencies are other actors
\nthat have too long been left to their own devices, and which have had profound, measureable impacts on
\nhuman rights. Hedge funds in many countries have been allowed to become mainstream mechanisms for
\nordinary citizens to hold their savings, widening the risk to the right to social security. Hedge funds and
\nprivate equity funds have also forced irreversible restructuring of companies around the world, leading to
\nsudden unemployment and related labor rights violations. Extraordinary profits were also fostered by
\nleverage strategies that relied on tax exemptions on debt financing. This has put sources of public revenue
\nat risk, and limited fiscal expansion possibilities of many governments just at the time they need it most to
\nspur job creation and strengthen social protection measures.
\n24. Governments in assuming their obligations to international law must work together to discharge their
\nduty to ensure proper redress for victims, and to protect people in the future by adopting all necessary
\nmeasures to prevent hedge funds, private equity funds, derivative instruments and credit rating agencies,
\nfrom adversely affecting human rights.
\n25. Central banks for their part are public agencies and, as part of the government, have obligations to
\nhuman rights. The principle of central bank autonomy has too often meant independence from real social
\nconcerns. It has not however meant freedom from interference by private financial interest groups.
\nCentral banks must then recognize that their autonomy does not mean lack of responsibility in serving the
\ninterests of society as a whole. Central banks must then balance the need to achieve stable and low
\ninflation with their duties to battle income inequities and stabilize peoples\u2019 employment and means of
\nlivelihood through various credit and supervisory instruments.
\nTHE CRISIS IN THE GLOBAL SOUTH
\n26. Developing countries that for a long time were forced to rely on export-led growth and free market
\npolicies are now suffering the most due to the shock in external demand brought by the crisis. Developing
\ncountries should be allowed special flexibility so they can fully take into account their human rights
\nobligations as they develop trade policies suitable to deal with the crisis and forestall export-related
\nvulnerabilities in the future. The export profile and strategy chosen by a country\u2014as well as its
\ndevelopment plan more broadly\u2014should be carefully guided by human rights concerns. In particular,
\nStates in this context should ensure the immediate fulfillment of minimum levels of economic and social
\nrights, in a manner which secures prioritized protection of disadvantaged groups, the non-adoption of
\nretrogressive measures, and the full implementation of these rights in the near and longer-term in
\naccordance with maximum available resources.
\n27. We note with concern that debt levels are set to rise in developing countries as a consequence of the
\ncrisis. Some deficit spending may well be required to expedite recovery and to allow governments to
\nstabilize spending to ensure minimum essential levels of well-being. Yet, history shows that a large debt
\noverhang will impede the fiscal capacity of governments to meet their human rights obligations. Debt
\ncancellation should be considered as a way to increase the fiscal space for governments to undertake
\nspending without further borrowing. In addition, part of the current increases in debt are due to the
\nproliferation of rapid lines of credit by various multilateral finance institutions including the World Bank
\nand the IMF to purportedly help developing countries cope with the crisis. The vast amounts of credit
\nbeing rapidly disbursed through the IMF, for example, enjoy little or no transparency, with the real risk
\nthat the basic norms of public participation, non-discrimination, and public accountability over these
\nfunds will be bypassed. Another part of the increase in debt levels results from countries having to
\nrefinance debt in stressed private capital markets where funds have become scarce, as developing
\ncountries try in vain to compete with industrialized countries in order to fix their troubled banking sectors
\nand implement stimulus plans.
\n28. The consequences of such indebtedness and their impacts on human rights for the future cannot be
\nignored. Human rights principles are critical in guiding the assessment of borrowing that needs to be
\nundertaken, the demands that should be met through grants rather than loans, and the accountability and
\ntransparency principles that will ensure new lending is engaged in a responsible way, with appropriate
\nsocial control, so as to prevent the generation of more illegitimate debts future generations will be forced
\nto pay.
\n29. Some forecast that the budgetary cuts provoked by the crisis, and the shift of funds to fiscal stimulus
\npackages in governments in the global North, will lead donor countries to cut back on their development
\naid. With the enjoyment of human rights, in particular the social rights of so many people at stake due to
\nthe financial crisis, donor governments must not regress on their obligations to international assistance.
\nThe economic crisis must not be a justification to cut development aid in any way, and those most
\nresponsible for the crisis have certain responsibilities to increasing its unconditioned financial
\ncommitments, strengthening the ability of developing country governments to discharge their obligations
\nto avoid regressive measures in the fulfillment of economic and social rights.
\nHUMAN RIGHTS-ORIENTED ECONOMIC STIMULUS PACKAGES & PROTECTIVE
\nMEASURES
\n30. If formulated and implemented upon the human rights standards of transparency, accountability,
\nparticipation and non-discrimination, economic stimulus packages in those countries where they are
\npossible could go a long way in deterring some of the worst consequences of the crisis in the enjoyment
\nof economic and social rights. Non-discrimination in stimulus packages can be ensured by evaluations of
\nthe distributional consequences of the packages across society to make certain equitable benefits are
\nexperienced across lines of gender, ethnicity, sexual orientation, and class. Extra measures also may need
\nto be taken to promote substantive equality for those historically disadvantaged. Decisions throughout the
\nlife of the stimulus must also be open to question and based on participation and transparency to make
\ncertain of robust public accountability. Gender-sensitive policies, for example, should lead to women\u2019s
\nparticipation in the design and implementation of stimulus packages.
\n31. One particular area of priority for all governments in responding to the crisis should be the
\nstabilization and strengthening of social protection systems for all, especially the most disadvantaged. The
\nright to social security is recognized in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and in numerous
\ninternational human rights treaties, and all States have an obligation to immediately establish a basic
\nsocial protection system and progressively expand it over time according to their available resources. The
\nstrengthening of such systems work to both fulfill the short-term duty to protect people from an economic
\ndownturn, as well as contribute to the longer-term economic priority of investing in people.
\n32. The current crisis presents an historic opportunity to re-structure our broken global economy. It also
\nopens a quickly closing door to reshape our relationship with our environment. Responses to the financial
\ncrisis should not lead to a reproduction, but rather to an end of environmentally unsustainable economic
\npatterns. In their effort to stabilize employment and livelihoods, short-term stimulus packages must be
\nvery careful not to expand demand to the point of intensifying out-dated and untenable patterns of
\nconsumption in rich and poor countries alike. Instead, governments must protect our shared future by
\nliving up to this unique opportunity to invest in the long-term need for a low-carbon economy, and to
\nsupport climate adaptation and mitigation policies based on human rights principles at home and abroad.
\nThe following organizations and individuals support this statement.
\nASIA PACIFIC
\n1. Asia Pacific Forum on Women, Law and Development (APWLD), Thailand
\n2. Asian Human Rights Commission (AHRC), Hong Kong, www.ahrchk.net\/index.php<\/a>
\n3. Asian Foundation for Human Rights and Development (FORUM-ASIA), Thailand
\n4. Asian Institute for Human Rights (AIHR), Thailand
\n5. Cambodian Human Rights and Development Association (ADHOC), Cambodia
\n6. CARAM Asia, Malaysia
\n7. Center for Economics, Social and Cultural Rights Promotion (ESCR-PRO), Thailand
\n8. Centre for Human Rights and Development (CHRD), Mongolia
\n9. Development Alternatives with Women for a New Era (DAWN), Philippines
\n10. Education and Research Association for Consumers Malaysia (ERA Consumers), Malaysia
\n11. Economic, Social and Cultural Rights Asia (ESCR Asia), Philippines
\n12. EnGendeRights Inc., Philippines, http:\/\/www.engenderights.org<\/a>
\n13. Foundation of Women Right’s Promotion and Development, Taiwan
\n14. Globe International, Mongolia
\n15. Human Rights Education Institute of Burma (HREIB)
\n16. Hope Workers’ Center, Taiwan
\n17. International NGO Forum on Indonesian Development (INFID), Indonesia
\n18. Indigenous Peoples\u2019 International Centre for Policy Research and Education (TEBTEBBA),
\nPhilippines, www.tebtebba.org<\/a>
\n19. Indonesia Legal Aid Foundation, Indonesia
\n20. Indonesian Legal Aid Society Association (Perkumpluan MBH), Indonesia
\n21. International Women\u2019s Rights Action Watch Asia Pacific (IWRAW Asia Pacific), Malaysia
\n22. Migrant Forum in Asia (MFA), Philippines
\n23. MINBYUN-Lawyers for a democratic society, Republic of Korea, http:\/\/minbyun.jinbo.net<\/a>
\n24. Office of Human Rights Studies, Mahidol University, Thailand, http:\/\/humanrights-mu.org\/<\/a>
\n25. Social and Economic Rights Action Center-Indonesia (SiDAN), Indonesia, www.satusuara.net<\/a>
\n26. Solidarity Network with Migrants, Japan
\n27. Southeast Asian Council for Food Security and Fair Trade (SEACON), Malaysia
\n28. Sustainable Development Foundation, Thailand, www.sdfthai.org<\/a>
\n29. Task Force Detainees of the Philippines (TFDP)
\n30. Thailand Burma Border Consortium (TBBC), Thailand
\n31. WOREC (Women’s Rehabilitation Centre), Nepal
\n32. Zi Teng, China
\n33. Anna Cody, Australia, Kingsford Legal Centre
\n34. B. Skanthakumar, Sri Lanka
\n35. Carol Jane Ransley, Thailand, Human Rights Consultant
\n36. D.J. Ravidran, Thailand
\n37. David Kinley, Australia, University of Sydney
\n38. Ge Mingzhen, China, Shadong University
\n39. In-duk Ryou, Republic of Korea, National Human Rights Commission of the Republic of Korea
\n40. Ingrid Gorre, Philippines, formerly with Legal Rights and Natural Resources Center, Inc.
\n41. K’nyaw Paw, Thailand, Karen Women’s Organization, www.karenwomen.org<\/a>
\n42. Mary Jane Real, Thailand, formerly with Asia Pacific Forum on Women, Law and Development
\n43. Michael Lerner, Cambodia, Arbitration Council Foundation, www.arbitrationcouncil.org<\/a>
\n44. Penny Thame, VSO, Thailand
\nCARIBBEAN & LATIN AMERICA
\n45. Abogados por los Derechos Humanos, Espa\u00f1a\/Honduras
\n46. Afro-Colombian National Movement CIMARRON, Colombia, www.cimarronracismo.org<\/a>
\n47. Asociaci\u00f3n Civil por la Igualdad y la Justicia (ACIJ), Argentina
\n48. Asociaci\u00f3n Comit\u00e9 de Familiares de Victimas de Violaciones a los Derechos Humanos
\n\u201cMarianella Garcia Villas\u201d (CODEFAM), El Salvador
\n49. Asociaci\u00f3n Q\u2019ukumatz, Guatemala
\n50. Fundacion Emmanuel Internacional (FEI), Dominican Republic
\n51. Fundaci\u00f3n de Derechos Humanos Incide, Venezuela
\n52. Centro de Apoyo Comunitario Trabajando Unidos (CACTUS), Mexico
\n53. Centro de Asesor\u00eda Laboral del Per\u00fa (CEDAL), Per\u00fa
\n54. Centro de Capacitaci\u00f3n en Ecolog\u00eda y Salud\/Defensor\u00eda del Derecho a la Salud (CCESC-DDS),
\nMexico
\n55. Centro de Derechos Econ\u00f3micos y Sociales (CDES), Ecuador, www.cdes.org.ec<\/a>
\n56. Centro de Derechos Humanos y Ambiente (CEDHA), Argentina, www.cedha.org.ar<\/a>
\n57. Centro de Estudios Legales y Sociales (CELS), Argentina, www.cels.org.ar<\/a>
\n58. Centro de Investigaci\u00f3n y Promoci\u00f3n Social (CIPROSOC), Mexico
\n59. Centro de Pol\u00edticas P\u00fablicas y Derechos Humanos (Per\u00fa EQUIDAD), Peru
\n60. Centro de Reflexi\u00f3n y Acci\u00f3n Laboral (CEREAL), Mexico
\n61. Comisi\u00f3n Colombiana de Juristas, Colombia
\n62. Comisi\u00f3n Mexicana de Defensa y Promocion de los Derechos Humanos, A.C. (CMDPDH),
\nMexico
\n63. Comit\u00e9 de Emergencia de Gar\u00edfuna de Honduras
\n64. Comunidades Campesinas y Urbanas Solidarias con Alternativas A. C. (COMCAUSA), M\u00e9xico
\n65. Confederaci\u00f3n campesina del Per\u00fa (CCP), Per\u00fa
\n66. Conectas Direitos Humanos, Brazil
\n67. The Democracy Center, Bolivia, democracyctr.org\/
\n68. Desarrollo, Educaci\u00f3n y Cultura Autogestionarios Equipo Pueblo-Social Watch, Mexico
\n69. Estudio Para La Defensa De Los Derechos De La Mujer (DEMUS), Per\u00fa, www.demus.org.pe<\/a>
\n70. Federa\u00e7\u00e3o dos Org\u00e3os de Assistencia Social e Educacional (FASE), Brazil, www.fase.org.br<\/a>
\n71. Foro Ciudadano de Participaci\u00f3n por la Justicia y los Derechos Humanos (FOCO), Argentina
\n72. Frente Autentico del Trabajo (FAT), Mexico
\n73. Fundaci\u00f3n Medios Alternativos Comunitarios y Libres, Venezuela
\n74. Grupo Ciudadano Aut\u00f3nomo por una Mejor Calidad de Vida, Mexico
\n75. Grupo de Estudios Sobre Educaci\u00f3n en C\u00e1rceles, Argentina
\n76. Guardianes del Agua, M\u00e9xico
\n77. Habitat International Coalition Am\u00e9rica Latina (HIC-AL), M\u00e9xico
\n78. Instituto de Estudios Legales y Sociales del Uruguay, Uruguay, www.ielsur.org<\/a>
\n79. Instituto de Formaci\u00f3n Femenina Integral (IFFI), Bolivia
\n80. Instituto de G\u00e9nero, Derecho y Desarrollo Rosario, Argentina
\n81. Instituto Latinoamericano de Servicios Legales Alternativos (IL SA), Colombia
\n82. Justi\u00e7a Global (JG), Brazil, www.global.org.br<\/a>
\n83. Justice and Peace Commission, Mexico
\n84. Movimento dos Atingidos por Barragens (MAB), Brazil, www.mabnacional.org.br<\/a>
\n85. Mujeres para el Di\u00e1logo (MpD), Mexico
\n86. National Union of Domestic Employees (NUDE), Trinidad and Tobago
\n87. Observatorio de Derechos de los Pueblos Ind\u00edgenas (OBDPI), Chile, www.observatorio.cl<\/a>
\n88. P\u00f3lis \u2013 Instituto de Estudos, Forma\u00e7\u00e3o e Assessoria em Pol\u00edticas Sociais, Brazil,
\nhttp:\/\/www.polis.org.br\/<\/a>
\n89. Programa DESC, Universidad Diego Portales, Chile, www.derechoshumanos.udp.cl<\/a>
\n90. Programa Venezolano de Educaci\u00f3n-Acci\u00f3n en Derechos Humanos (PROVEA), Venezuela
\n91. Propuesta C\u00edvica, Mexico
\n92. Proyecto de Derechos Econ\u00f3micos, Sociales y Culturales (ProDESC), Mexico
\n93. Red Ind\u00edgena de Turismo de M\u00e9xico
\n94. Red Nacional G\u00e9nero y Econom\u00eda (REDGE), Mexico
\n95. Siembra, A.C., Mexico
\n96. Social Watch, Uruguay
\n97. Tierraviva a los Pueblos Ind\u00edgenas del Chaco, Paraguay
\n98. Terra de Direitos, Brazil, www.terradedireitos.org.br<\/a>
\n99. Alicia Carriquiriborde, Mexico
\n100. Antonio J. Gonz\u00e1lez Plessmann, Venezuela
\n101. Dr. Eduardo Quintanar Guadarrama, Mexico
\n102. Eleuterio Gordillo L\u00f3pez, M\u00e9xico
\n103. Hilda Beatriz Garrido, Profesora universitaria, Argentina
\n104. Rodrigo Bustos Bottai, Chile
\n105. Humberto P\u00e9rez Villase\u00f1or, Mexico
\n106. Patricia Ram\u00edrez Parra, Colombia, Corporaci\u00f3n Desarrollo y Paz del Magdalena Medio
\nMIDDLE EAST & NORTH AFRICA
\n107. Al-Mezan Center for Human Rights, Palestine, www.mezan.org<\/a>
\n108. The Democracy and Workers\u2019 Rights Center in Palestine (DWRC), www.dwrc.org<\/a>
\n109. Multi-Initiative on Rights: Search, Assist, Defend (MIRSAD), Lebanon
\n110. Egyptian Center for Housing Rights (ECHR), Egypt, www.echreg.org<\/a>
\n111. Egyptian Initiative for Personal Rights (EIPR), Egypt, www.eipr.org<\/a>
\n112. Habi Center for Environmental Rights, Egypt, www.hcer.org<\/a>
\n113. Land Center for Human Rights (LCHR), Egypt, www.lchr-eg.org<\/a>
\n114. Habitat International Coalition-Housing & Land Rights Network (HIC-HLRN), Egypt
\n115. People\u2019s Health Movement (PHM), Egypt, www.phmovement.org<\/a>
\n116. Ayman Bardawil, Palestine, Al-Quds Educational Television – Institute of Modern Media
\nSOUTH ASIA
\n117. Ain o Salish Kendra (ASK), Bangladesh
\n118. Alliance for Holistic and Sustainable Development of Communities (AHSDC), India
\n119. Commonwealth Human Rights Initiative Organization (CHRI), India
\n120. Community Self-Reliance Centre (CSRC), Nepal
\n121. Dolamohan Singhbabu, India, Friends’ Association for Rural Reconstruction, www.farrorissa.net<\/a>
\n122. Human Rights Treaty Monitoring Coalition Committee, Nepal
\n123. Informal Sector Service Centre, Nepal
\n124. INHURED International, Nepal, www.inhurednepal.org<\/a>
\n125. International Women and Mining Network (RIMM) India, www.rimmrights.org<\/a>
\n126. Mahila Sarvangeen Utkarsh Mandal (MASUM), India, http:\/\/masum-india.org\/<\/a>
\n127. mines, minerals & PEOPLE (mm&P), India, www.mmpindia.org<\/a>
\n128. National Coalition for the ICC, Nepal
\n129. National Human Rights Society (Persatuan Kebangsaan Hak Asasi Manusia, HAKAM),
\nMalaysia
\n130. People\u2019s Watch, India
\n131. Odhikar, Bangladesh
\n132. OKUP (Ovibashi Karmi Unnayan Program), Bangladesh
\n133. Pakistan Fisherfolk Forum, Pakistan, www.pff.org.pk<\/a>
\n134. Pakistan International Human Rights Organization, Pakistan, www.pihro.org<\/a>
\n135. Pourakhi, Nepal
\n136. Programme on Women’s Economic, Social and Cultural Rights (PWESCR), India
\n137. Samata, India, www.samataindia.org<\/a>
\n138. Socio Legal Information Centre, India
\n139. WARBE Development Foundation, Bangladesh
\n140. Ganesh Devi, India, Bhasha Research and Publication Centre
\n141. Raju Prasad Chapagai, Nepal, Pro Public, www.propublic.org<\/a>
\nSUB-SAHARN AFRICA
\n142. Actionaid International, South Africa www.actionaid.org<\/a>
\n143. Action Contre l\u2019Impunite Pour Les Droits Humains (ACIDH), Democratic Republic of Congo
\n144. Action for Social Rights (AfSOR), Sierra Leone
\n145. African Centre for Democracy and Human Rights Studies (ACDHRS), The Gambia
\n146. African Women’s Association (AWA), Cameroon
\n147. Alian\u00e7a para Promo\u00e7ao do Desenvilmento da Comunidade de Hoji Ya Henda, Angola
\n148. Association Africaine de D\u00e9fense des Droits de l\u2019Homme, representation du Katanga
\n(ASADHO\/Katanga), Democratic Republic of Congo
\n149. Association of Environmental Lawyers of Liberia (Green Advocates), Liberia
\n150. BAOBAB for Women’s Human Rights (BAOBAB), Nigeria, www.baobabwomen.org<\/a>
\n151. Butere Focused Women in Development (BUFOWODE), Kenya,
\n152. Centre for Applied Legal Studies (CALS), South Africa, http:\/\/www.law.wits.ac.za\/cals\/<\/a>
\n153. Centre for Economic, Social and Cultural Rights (Hakijamii), Kenya
\n154. Centre d’Information Juridique\/Femme Justice Aide (CIJG\/FJA), Republic of Guinee
\n155. Centre for Minority Rights Development (CEMIRIDE), Kenya
\n156. Centre for Social Accountability, South Africa
\n157. Collectif des Femmes du Mali (Le COFEM), Mali, www.cofemali.org<\/a>
\n158. Community Law Centre (University of the Western Cape, South Africa), South Africa
\n159. Eastern Africa Coalition for ESCR (EACOR), Kenya, www.eacor.org\/<\/a>
\n160. Federation of Women Lawyers (FIDA Kenya), Kenya
\n161. Femmes Cote d\u2019Ivore Experience (FCIEX), Cote d\u2019Ivoire
\n162. Foundation for Human Rights and Democracy (FOHRD), Liberia
\n163. Human & Environmental Development Agenda (HEDA), Nigeria, www.hedagenda.kabissa.org<\/a>
\n164. Institute for Democracy in South Africa (IDASA), South Africa, www.idasa.org.za<\/a>
\n165. International Centre for Reproductive Health and Sexual Rights (INCRESE), Nigeria
\n166. Karimojong Community Child Welfare Initiative (KACOCI), Uganda,
\n167. Kebetkache Women Development & Resource Centre, Nigeria
\n168. The Kenya Human Rights Commission (KHRC), Kenya, www.khrc.or.ke<\/a>
\n169. Kenya Land Alliance (KLA), Kenya, www.kenyalandalliance.or.ke<\/a>
\n170. Kituo Cha Sheria (Center for Legal Empowerment), Kenya, http:\/\/kituochasheria.or.ke\/<\/a>
\n171. Labour, Health and Human Rights Development Center (LHAHRDEV), Nigeria
\n172. Legal Resources Centre (LRC), South Africa, www.lrc.org.za<\/a>
\n173. Legal Resources Centre Organization (LRC), Ghana
\n174. Masimanyane Women Support Center, South Africa,
\n175. Mazingira Institute, Kenya, www.mazinst.org<\/a>
\n176. Minority Rights Group International (MRGI), Uganda, www.minorityrights.org<\/a>
\n177. Mouvement pour le Progres de Roche Bois (MPRB), Mauritius
\n178. Movement for the Survival of the Ogoni People (MOSOP), Nigeria, www.mosop.net<\/a>
\n179. Nairobi Peoples Settlements Network (NPSN), Kenya,
\n180. Network Movement for Justice and Development (NMJD), Sierra Leone, www.nmjd.org<\/a>
\n181. Ogiek Peoples Development Program (OPDP), Kenya
\n182. People Against Injustice (PAIN), The Gambia, www.paingambia.org<\/a>
\n183. Rencontre pour la Paix et les Droits De L’homme \u2013 (RDPH), Congo-Brazzaville
\n184. Shelter Forum (SF), Kenya,
\n185. Social and Economic Rights Action Center (SERAC), Nigeria, www.serac.org<\/a>
\n186. Socio-Economic Rights Foundation (SRF), Kenya,
\n187. Socio Economic Rights Initiative (formerly Shelter Rights Initiative (SERI), Nigeria
\n188. Soeurs Unies \u00e0 l\u2019oeuvre (SUO), Benin, www.swbenin.ca.tc<\/a>
\n189. South Africa Human Rights Non-Governmental Organization Network, Tanzania Chapter,
\n(SAHRiNGON-TZ) Tanzania, www.sahringon-tz.org<\/a>
\n190. Stakeholder Democracy Network, Nigeria, http:\/\/www.stakeholderdemocracy<\/a>
\n191. Uganda Environmental Education Foundation (UEEF), Uganda
\n192. Women in Law and Development in Africa (WiLDAF)-Ghana, www.wildafghana.org<\/a>
\n193. Yiaku Peoples Association, Kenya, www.yiaku.org<\/a>
\n194. Zimbabwe Women Lawyers Association, Zimbabwe
\n195. Abdoul Aziz NIANG, Maurtania, Association Nationale pour l’appui a l’initiative Feminine- la
\nProtection Infantile et Environnementale (ANAIF-PIE) www.anaif-pie.kabissa.org\/<\/a>
\n196. Adams Aswani, Tanzania, Concern Worldwide in Tanzania and Uganda
\n197. Africa Magongo, Swaziland, Swaziland Federation of Trade Unions
\n198. Danwood M Chirwa, South Africa, University of Cape Town, www.communitylawcentre.org.za<\/a>
\n199. Deborah Ewing, South Africa, Human Rights Consultant
\n200. Jacques Tshibwabwa Kuditshini, Democratic Republic of Congo, University of Kinshasa
\n201. Pemii Benedict, Nigeria, Journalist
\n202. Thomas Bruno Nzumbi, Tanzania, Tanzania Council for Social Development
\nCANADA & UNITED STATES
\n203. Center for Reproductive Rights (CRR), United States, www.reproductiverights.org<\/a>
\n204. Center of Concern, United States, www.coc.org<\/a>
\n205. Centre for Equality Rights in Accommodation (CERA), Canada, www.equalityrights.org\/cera<\/a>
\n206. Center on Housing Rights and Evictions (COHRE), United States of America, www.cohre.org<\/a>
\n207. Charter Committee on Poverty Issues (CCPI), Canada, www.equalityrights.org\/ccpi<\/a>
\n208. Corporate Accountability International, United States, www.stopcorporateabuse.org<\/a>
\n209. EarthRights International (ERI), United States, www.earthrights.org<\/a>
\n210. Global Action on Aging, United States, www.globalaging.org<\/a>
\n211. Harvard Project on Disability (HPOD), United States of America, www.hpod.org<\/a>
\n212. Heartland Alliance for Human Needs & Human Rights, United States
\n213. Human Rights Tech, United States, www.humanrightstech.org<\/a>
\n214. Institute for Justice & Democracy in Haiti (IJDH), United States, www.ijdh.org<\/a>
\n215. International Human Rights Internship Program (IHRIP), United States, www.iie.org\/ihrip<\/a>
\n216. The Jus Semper Global Alliance (TJSGA), United States, www.jussemper.org<\/a>
\n217. Media Mobilizing Project (MMP), United States of America, www.mediamobilizing.org<\/a>
\n218. National Economic and Social Rights Initiative, (NESRI), United States, www.nesri.org<\/a>
\n219. People\u2019s Movement for Human Rights Learning (PDHRE), United States, www.pdhre.org<\/a>
\n220. Poverty Initiative, United States, http:\/\/www.povertyinitiative.org\/<\/a>
\n221. Realizing Rights: The Ethical Globalization Initiative, (EGI), United States
\n222. Social Rights Advocacy Centre (SRAC), Canada, www.socialrights.ca<\/a>
\n223. UNANIMA International
\n224. Western Shoshone Defense Project (WSDP), Neve Sogobia, www.wsdp.org<\/a>
\n225. WITNESS, United States, www.witness.org<\/a>
\n226. Women’s Economic Agenda Project (WEAP), United States, www.weap.org<\/a>
\n227. Association for Women’s Rights in Development (AWID), Canada, www.awid.org<\/a>
\n228. Radhika Balakrishnan, United States, Marymount Manhattan College, Economics and
\nInternational Studies
\n229. Daria Caliguire, United States, Human Rights Consultant
\n230. Vincent Calderhead, Canada, Nova Scotia Legal Aid
\n231. Alicia Ely Yamin, United States of America, Joseph H Flom Fellow on Global health and
\nHuman Rights, Harvard Law School ; Instructor, Harvard School of Public Health
\n232. Tyler Giannini, United States, Harvard Law School, Human Rights Program
\n233. Paulina Garzon, United States, University of Columbia \/ Centro de Derechos Econ\u00f3micos y
\nSociales (CDES)
\n234. Charlene Phung, MPH, Canada
\n235. Chris Grove, United States, City University of New York \u2013 The Graduate Center
\n236. George Kent, United States, University of Hawaii, Department of Political Science
\n237. Thomas Masterson, United States, Levy Economics Institute of Bard College
\n238. Maureen Meyer, United States, Human Rights Consultant
\n239. Minar Pimple, United States\/India, YUVA, www.yuvaindia.org<\/a>
\n240. Alison Symington, Canada, Canadian HIV\/AIDS Legal Network, www.aidslaw.ca<\/a>
\n241. Ajit Zacharias, United States, Levy Economics Institute of Bard College
\nEASTERN EUROPE
\n242. Bulgarian Gender Research Foundation, Bulgaria, www.bgrf.org<\/a>
\n243. Bulgarian Helsinki Committee (BHC), Bulgaria, www.bghelsinki.org<\/a>
\n244. European Roma Rights Center (ERRC), Hungary
\n245. One World Platform for Southeast Europe (OWPSEE), Bosnia and Herzegovina
\nWESTERN EUROPE
\n246. 3D -> Trade – Human Rights – Equitable Economy, Switzerland, http:\/\/www.3dthree.org\/<\/a>
\n247. Amnesty International (AI), United Kingdom, www.amnesty.org<\/a>
\n248. Bretton Woods Project (BWP), United Kingdom, www.brettonwoodsproject.org<\/a>
\n249. Center for Economic and Social Rights, Spain, www.cesr.org<\/a>
\n250. Center on Housing Rights and Evictions (COHRE), Switzerland, www.cohre.org<\/a>
\n251. Dignity International, France, www.dignityinternational.org<\/a>
\n252. Equalinrights, The Netherlands, www.equalinrights.org<\/a>
\n253. European Anti Poverty Network (EAPN), Belgium, www.eapn.org<\/a>
\n254. F\u00e9d\u00e9ration internationale des droits de l’Homme (FIDH), France, http:\/\/www.fidh.org<\/a>
\n255. Food First Information and Action Network (FIAN), Germany, www.fidh.org<\/a>
\n256. Front Line \u2013 The International Foundation for the Protection of Human Rights Defenders,
\nIreland, www.frontlinedefenders.org<\/a>
\n257. Global Basic Income Foundation, Netherlands, www.globalincome.org<\/a>
\n258. The Grail, The Netherlands
\n259. Grupo DESC Stockholm, Sweden
\n260. Human Rights Centre at the School of Law, Queens University Belfast, United Kingdom,
\nhttp:\/\/www.law.qub.ac.uk\/schools\/SchoolofLaw\/Research\/HumanRightsCentre\/<\/a>
\n261. International Alliance of Women, Austria, womenalliance.org
\n262. International Federation of Business and Professional Women
\n263. Interchurch Organisation for Development (ICCO), Netherlands, www.icco.nl<\/a>
\n264. International Centre for the Legal Protection of Human Rights (INTERIGHTS), United
\nKingdom, www.interights.org<\/a>
\n265. Institute for Agriculture and Trade policy (IATP), Switzerland, www.iatp.org<\/a>
\n266. Older Women’s Network
\n267. Pax Romana
\n268. Rights and Accountability in Development (RAID), United Kingdom, www.raid-uk.org<\/a>
\n269. Women in Development Europe (WIDE), Belgium
\n270. World Organization Against Torture (OMCT), Switzerland, www.omct.org<\/a>
\n271. Markus Brun, Fastenopfer \/ Swiss Catholic Lenten Fund, Switzerland
\n272. Rolf Keiser, Switzerland
\n273. Yves Lador, Switzerland, Earthjustice, www.earthjustice.com<\/a>
\n274. Malcolm Langford, Norway, Norwegian Center for Human Rights, University of Oslo
\n275. Claire Mahon, Switzerland, Legal Consultant
\n276. Luisa Nardi, Italy, Sant’Anna School of University Studies and Doctoral Research<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

ESCR-Net Statement on the Financial Crisis and Global Economic Recession: Towards a Human Rights Response 1. What started as a meltdown in the subprime mortgage sector in the US in […]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":0,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[2156,2151,2153],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-101","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","hentry","category-ngo-petitions-communications","category-minbyun-voice","category-other-ngo-voices"],"yoast_head":"\nESCR-Net Statement on the Financial Crisis and Global Economic Recession - \ubbfc\uc8fc\uc0ac\ud68c\ub97c \uc704\ud55c \ubcc0\ud638\uc0ac\ubaa8\uc784<\/title>\n<meta name=\"robots\" content=\"index, follow, max-snippet:-1, max-image-preview:large, max-video-preview:-1\" \/>\n<link rel=\"canonical\" href=\"https:\/\/www.minbyun.or.kr\/?p=101\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:locale\" content=\"ko_KR\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:type\" content=\"article\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:title\" content=\"ESCR-Net Statement on the Financial Crisis and Global Economic Recession - \ubbfc\uc8fc\uc0ac\ud68c\ub97c \uc704\ud55c \ubcc0\ud638\uc0ac\ubaa8\uc784\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:description\" content=\"ESCR-Net Statement on the Financial Crisis and Global Economic Recession: Towards a Human Rights Response 1. 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